If there was light at the end of the tunnel, some Unionists would prefer to stumble around in the dark to find a switch.

“ ….. genuinely plural, liberal, democratic… capable of accommodating social, cultural and religious diversity…… open to all to share in the benefits of British citizenship regardless of class, creed or race…. so that everyone here can enjoy the same rights as their fellow-citizens in Great Britain, irrespective of whether they aspire to be Ulster-British, British-Irish or Irish.”

27 years ago. and counting, the late David Trimble, leader of the main unionist party of the day, voiced these aspirations in a speech to business and community leaders at Malone House, Belfast in June 1998. Have they been realised?

Is political unionism or any of the three unionist political parties close to or capable of delivering a Northern Ireland aligned to genuine plural, liberal and democratic values? Has it become a forlorn hope?

Given the obsessively dogmatic rhetoric of the TUV towards the fallout of Brexit, which its leader played no small part in delivering; an Irish Sea trade border, the British internal market compromised and a flawed Safeguarding the Union, coupled with its attitude to immigration, gender issues and the Irish Language is rutted in different political terrain from that of David Trimble in 1998.

The DUP has at times seemed to put distance between the Paisley-ism of its early days but to judge from its recent Conference there are strong echoes of past rigidity and ‘smashing Sinn Féin’. It has flattered to deceive and, if rumours from Westminster are to believed, growing closer to Reform and Nigel Farage, MP.

Slow learning doesn’t begin to describe the thinking. It’s hardly an endorsement of pluralism, liberal democracy and social, cultural and religious diversity. It would seem these are not in the DNA of the DUP.

The spots are not for changing; embedded as they are in judgemental  ‘Northern Ireland would be perfect if everyone was like us’, patriarchy and an over-developed mix of politics and theology presented as ‘ common sense.’

Strategically, the DUP has been off the pace. The Irish Sea trade border can be traced back to its stance on Brexit and votes in the House of Commons as a Withdrawal Agreement and trade deal were being negotiated.

Speak to people in England and you will learn that the DUP’s approach to keeping Theresa May’s government in power has coupled the party and unionism with shameless, begging bowl financial opportunism. It is not just the Treasury that thinks so.

It could have agreed an Irish Language Act under Arlene Foster’s leadership but lacked the courage to face down internal risk aversion and external narrow-mindedness.

The loss of its position as the biggest party must surely cause even the most loyal DUP member to question the architecture of the heralded St Andrew’s Agreement. The chuckles of DUP leaders have long disappeared; not least over the costly debacle of the RHI scheme.

The current leader of the UUP has spoken of the need for two unionist parties. The idea was noticeably absent from his Conference speech. A survey was circulated recently to ascertain the level of support for a range of options, including re-alignment along the lines floated by the UUP leader.

In view of his comments it seems likely that he was in support of the process.

The main proposition, voiced if not in print, appeared to centre around the idea of a more progressive Unionist party delivered by a coming together of the ‘progressive wings’ of the DUP and the UUP and a traditional party delivered by a coming together of the ‘left behind’ (my words) traditional unionists.

This is presumably a euphemism for less progressive. A case of vote Mike, get …… well who?

Consider the names; Diane Dodds, MLA, Sammy Wilson MP, Edwin Poots MLA, Paul Given MLA, Carla Lockhart MP, Paul Frew MLA, Jonathan Buckley MLA, and Gavin Robinson MP plus more.

The DUP is a mixture of Good Friday refuseniks, MAGA disciples, 7^th day creationists, DUP Home Rulers with a few pragmatists and fence sitters who do not have the courage of their convictions, thrown in.

They are sometimes cited as being interested in the working-class. This may be true of a minority but is it not the case that they just like spending lots of money? When they meet with Dublin officials, it is usually behind closed doors; and please don’t mention woke, trans or migrants

But progressives? On the basis of voting patterns and strategic pedigree, they are hard to find.

The DUP can point to remaining the largest unionist party but recent election results, a growing number of non-voters most of whom are pro-Union and the age for voting soon to be lowered, have little impact, if any, on the tactical rhetoric from the Conference; seemingly shaped more by fear and criticism from the TUV than other factors.

The progressives, whoever and wherever they are, comply or sit on their hands.

Is this really a political vehicle to which you would wish to hitch your aspirations for a liberal and progressive Northern Ireland In any case, according to his interview on Sunday Politics, Mike Nesbitt MLA has concluded that it is never going to happen.

The original target was 25 years. He had already signalled a retreat to the possibility of electoral arrangements; pacts. The broad church which was deemed inappropriate has, it seems, drowned out any call for change. A bridge too far?

It is failing to attune its appeal to the preferences of a growing civic-minded pro-Union and diverse constituency tired of ancestral as opposed to contemporary unionism; desirous of actions that reduce the cost of segregation, protect the environment effectively and deliver on mental health, housing and job creation on a regionally balanced basis.

However, some within political unionism are too much wedded to longing for a return to an imagined heroic past, allowing not ‘an inch tradition’ to speak louder than a better future.

Mike Nesbitt will know that there is a sizeable element within his party that think along these lines; that the public will not be persuaded otherwise by the appearance of ‘hurls’ or ‘Irish dancers’ favoured by his predecessor in a party-political broadcast.

It’s time for the UUP to do some more of the heavy lifting it is fond of citing.

The stance of the fail-safe elder statesmen of the party with regard to the Belfast Council decision regarding Irish signage does not encourage and risks providing cover for vandalism.

Frankly, in regard to the recent debate about signage in the transport hub most just want comfortable buses and trains to leave and arrive on time on reasonably priced journeys and this is likely to achieve more for unionism than resisting the outcome of a binary debate you helped to shape and lost.

There is nothing to be gained for unionism in turning the City Hall into a cold house for liberal democracy, heritage and culture; of failing to make difficult compromises.

‘People show they have changed by their actions’. The words are those of David Trimble

Speaking on Sunday Politics, Stephen Walker author of ‘Peacemaker’ the recently published new biography of David Trimble suggested that the UUP needs to become distinct and develop a new narrative. He could have added strategy.

There is evidence in the speeches of many of the Conference speakers, choosing to avoid being side-tracked by the bitter rant of Michelle Gildernew, of a desire to achieve this but the actions they propose must become the lived experience of those who live here.

Traditionalists need to embrace this. They would be well advised to look away from toxic unionist parties whose mandate is weakening and build a fresh collaborative and civil consensus with voters around the case for the union and the values David Trimble advocated in 1998.

This was a time when Northern Ireland was emerging from a very dark tunnel. We will hopefully never go into reverse but we sometimes stall the journey of progress.

The UUP is the last of any Unionist party that should be diverting its eyes from the light at the end of that tunnel; the possibility of a stable, well-educated, healthy, prosperous and diverse community.

The public in 1998 mandated the parties to work collaboratively and consensually within a power-sharing arrangement to govern Northern Ireland. None of them, least of all any Unionist party, has the right to fail.