A known figure. But an unknown character.
That is how many describe Balendra Shah, the current Mayor of Kathmandu, Nepal’s capital city.
Popularly known as “Balen”, the rapper-turned-mayor has now officially made his foray into national politics. Last week, he joined the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP), which has projected him as its prime ministerial candidate for the general election slated for March 5.
Until the run-up to the 2022 local elections, when Balen decided to throw his hat into the ring for the highly coveted post of Kathmandu Mayor, he was known largely within a limited circle, mostly among the youth, as a rap singer. His music spoke of the poor and the oppressed. Through his lyrics, he often took jabs at political parties and their leaders, resonating with young Nepalis disillusioned with mainstream politics.
Much of his mayoral campaign played out on social media, particularly Facebook. Running as an independent candidate, Balen was assigned a walking stick as his election symbol. Against expectations, he trounced candidates from established political parties — a feat many summed up with the refrain: Balen beat the parties with the stick.
“The victory of an outsider was perceived by common Nepalis, fatigued by traditional partisan politics and frustrated with years of misrule, as a symbol of change,” says Jhalak Subedi, a political analyst. “His popularity is unprecedented.”
So popular did Balen become in the following months that public transport vehicles travelling to Kathmandu from far-flung districts began flashing his photograph, accompanied by the caption: “To Balen’s city.”
Yet, despite his visibility, little is known about how Balen actually functions as a leader — his working style, his temperament, or the person behind the persona. He rarely gives speeches, avoids interviews, and maintains almost no direct engagement with the public. Instead, he communicates almost exclusively through social media.
In one such instance in September 2023, after a vehicle from his office was stopped during a routine check, Balen wrote on Facebook that he would “burn Singha Durbar,” a remark referring to Nepal’s central seat of power. The post drew sharp criticism and ignited debate over his rhetoric. He later deleted the post but offered no clarification on the context or intent behind the statement.
Two years later, during the second day of the Gen Z–led protests against corruption, nepotism and misgovernance, several government buildings, including parts of Singha Durbar, were vandalised and set ablaze by demonstrators.
Critics were quick to link Balen’s earlier post to the unrest that followed. However, there is no evidence to suggest that the remark was made with any premeditated intent.
What was evident, though, was his support for the movement.
In a Facebook post ahead of the protests, he wrote that he fully supported the cause but would not take to the streets himself, noting that he was not part of Gen Z. It was the 35-year-old Mayor who later urged protest leaders to enter into dialogue with the Nepal Army, which had emerged as the chief negotiator between Gen Z representatives and President Ram Chandra Poudel.
After 19 — later revised to 22 — people died on the first day of the protests on September 8, then Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli resigned the next day. Later that day, in a provocative social media post, Balen wrote, “…the resignation of your murderer has come,” as he urged protest groups to “exercise restraint”.
“… be ready to hold talks with the army chief,” he wrote in another post. “But remember, Parliament must be dissolved before the talks.”
Under scrutiny
As protest groups conducted an online vote to select a consensus candidate to lead a civilian government, Balen endorsed Sushila Karki, a former Chief Justice. President Poudel subsequently appointed her as Prime Minister on September 12. Ms. Karki dissolved Parliament immediately after taking the oath. “I call him son,” Ms. Karki told journalists in late October. “But he calls me elder sister.” She was quick to add that Balen meets her frequently but “does not heed us”.
Born in Kathmandu to an ayurvedic doctor and a housewife, Balen holds a degree in structural engineering. After the devastating 2015 earthquakes, which killed nearly 9,000 people and destroyed tens of thousands of homes, he was involved in reconstruction efforts.
In the past three years, his performance as Kathmandu Mayor has increasingly come under scrutiny. Critics point to his high-handed approach toward street vendors and landless squatters. Meanwhile, basic civic challenges, such as drinking water and waste management, remain unresolved. His office, however, has made some progress on public health clinics and scholarships for students in public schools.
Viewed as anti-establishment, Balen’s plunge into national politics seemed inevitable. What remained unclear was how and when it would happen. It has, however, become apparent that the Gen Z protests hastened the process.
His agreement last week with Rabi Lamichhane, the RSP chief, following days of negotiations, surprised many. The two are sharply contrasting figures: Balen is reclusive, while Mr. Lamichhane is gregarious. Only days after the Gen Z protests, Balen had lashed out on Facebook using expletives against all political parties, including the RSP. “He is young and impulsive,” says Subedi. “But he also seems to be evolving as a politician gradually. He is yet to experience and learn the grind of partisan politics.”
How an off-standish Balen would fare in national politics — which demands public engagement, negotiation, and compromise — has yet to be tested. His strength largely rests on personal mystique, which he may not be able to maintain once he starts going to the hustings.
Dambar Khatiwada, a political commentator, says Balen’s rise did mark a shift in political trends, but his victory was ensured largely because of the rise in the number of young voters, his calculated and clever use of social media, and established parties’ failure to field strong candidates.
“By virtue of being the mayor of the capital city, he became a power centre,” says Mr. Khatiwada. “And now, in the aftermath of the Gen Z protests, it’s natural for Balen to eye a bigger stage.”
As someone who won independently, Balen did not have a party, and forming a new political outfit with elections just two months away would have been an uphill task. Mr. Lamichhane’s offer to join his party, the RSP — which already has an organisational base — and become the prime ministerial face was too good to resist, analysts say.
“Riding on Balen’s popularity, the RSP could give the old parties a run for their money,” says Mr. Khatiwada.
Since the deal last week, Balen — mostly seen donning a black blazer over a T-shirt, with black shades a permanent fixture — has not made a single public appearance, even as speculation about his resignation as mayor circulates.
For now, Balen remains what he has long been: a familiar face, but a sphinx-like enigma.
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