Skip to content

The View From India newsletter: India, America and multipolarity

    (This article is part of the View From India newsletter curated by The Hindu’s foreign affairs experts. To get the newsletter in your inbox every Monday, subscribe here.)

    On September 5, U.S. President Donald Trump posted a photo of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian leader Vladimir Putin on social media. “Looks like we’ve lost India and Russia to the deepest, darkest China. May they have long and prosperous future together,” he wrote in the post. Mr. Modi and Mr. Putin were in Tianjin, China, attending a summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). Indo-U.S. relations had already hit a low after Washington slapped 50% tariffs on Indian goods — partly over what a Trump official called India’s ‘Maharaja tariffs’ and partly over India’s energy ties with Russia. In recent weeks, Trump officials have repeatedly attacked India over its trade policies. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick said last week that “in a month or two, India is going to be at the table and they are going to say ‘sorry’, and they are going to make a deal with Donald Trump.” He added: “Either support the dollar, support the United States of America, support your biggest client, or pay 50% tariffs. And let’s see how long this lasts.”

    But a day after Mr. Trump said the U.S. had lost India to China, Mr. Trump took a U-turn. “I don’t think we have [lost India],” Mr. Trump said in response to a question about his post in a press conference. “I’ve been very disappointed that India would be buying so much oil from Russia, and I let them know that we put a very big tariff on India, 50% tariff, very high tariff.” When asked whether he was ready to reset ties with India, Mr. Trump said he would “always be friends with Modi” and called him a “great Prime Minister”. “I just don’t like what he’s doing at this particular moment, but India and the United States have a special relationship… There’s nothing to worry about… we just have moments [of disagreements] on occasion.” Mr. Modi immediately responded to Mr. Trump’s comments, saying India and the U.S. have a “very positive and forward-looking comprehensive and global strategic partnership.” He also showed his “appreciation” towards “President Trump’s sentiments and positive assessment of our ties”. This was Mr. Modi’s first direct, public response to Mr. Trump since the relationship was rocked by U.S. tariffs.

    Does the mutual praise by the two leaders signal a truce in the making? Mr. Modi appeared to sense an opening in Trump’s relatively positive comment and was quick not to let it slip. External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar, who is set to travel to the U.S. later this month to attend the UN General Assembly, underlined that India “remains engaged” with Washington. While the cordial comments by Mr. Trump and Mr. Modi highlight the importance both countries place on each other, the damage inflicted on the much-vaunted strategic partnership by the ongoing crisis cannot be ignored. If anything, Mr. Modi’s visit to Tianjin and his summit level meetings with Mr. Putin and Mr. Xi indicates New Delhi’s intent to sustain its close partnership with Russia and to bring stability and predictability to its often fraught ties with China.

    Smoke rises over a building of the Ukrainian government headquarters, after Russian drone and missile strikes, amid Russia’s attack on Ukraine, in Kyiv, Ukraine September 7, 2025. REUTERS/Serhii Korovainyi
    | Photo Credit:
    Serhii Korovainyi

    Mr. Trump is visibly upset by the lack of progress in his efforts to end the Ukraine war. Last month, he hosted Mr. Putin in Alaska and Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, along with other European leaders, in Washington — but the back-to-back summits had little impact. Russia continues to pound Ukrainian cities while making incremental gains in the battlefield. Washington’s ability to punish China over its Russia ties is limited, given Beijing’s strong leverage in trade and its capacity to retaliate with counter-tariffs. That leaves India, another key Russian partner, as a softer target for U.S. pressure. Yet, while India has refrained from hitting the U.S. back with counter-tariffs, it shows no inclination to scale back its relations with Russia under external pressure. This only adds to Mr. Trump’s exasperation.

    It’s possible, as indicated by the Trump-Modi comments, that India and the U.S. could resolve the current differences and improve ties. But can the relationship truly return to the pre-Trump momentum? Are we witnessing merely a tactical glitch in an otherwise grand partnership or the resurgence of structural contradictions? These questions are unlikely to be settled soon. What is clear, however, is India recognises that the world order is shifting and it remains firmly committed to multipolarity. It values its partnership with the U.S., but not at the cost of surrendering its strategic autonomy, which is deeply entrenched in New Delhi’s historical strategic thinking.

    The Top Five

    1. Katchatheevu | A flashpoint in the Palk Strait

    Half a century since New Delhi gave up its claim to the barren island and recognised Sri Lanka’s sovereignty over it, politicians in India periodically rake up the issue, triggering tensions in ties between the friendly countries, writes Meera Srinivasan.

    2. Is a shift underway in India’s foreign policy? | Explained

    How productive was the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit? Did a meeting between China, Russia and India at Tianjin signal a change in relations? Did U.S. moves on tariffs and sanctions prompt this? What are the leaders saying? Explains Suhasini Haidar.

    3. Trump’s tariff war as opportunity for the Global South

    India must move swiftly, using the unfolding polycrisis to reshape the world’s geo-economic and political architecture, write Salman Khurshid and Pushparaj Deshpande.

    4. India-China: the inability to define a border

    By the early 90s, India and China had come to the conclusion that only a peaceful and mutually acceptable settlement would resolve the border issue. However, with both sides being unwilling or unable to clearly define the LAC, the border remains indeterminate, writes Manoj Joshi.

    5. India’s strategic autonomy in a multipolar world

    As the global order shifts, India must continue to walk the tightrope, treading a delicate path between the United States, China, and Russia, writes Shashi Tharoor.

    Published – September 08, 2025 12:03 pm IST

    www.thehindu.com (Article Sourced Website)

    #View #India #newsletter #India #America #multipolarity